(15) God spoke to Noah, saying, (16) “Come out of the ark, together with your wife, your sons, and your sons’ wives. (17) Bring out with you every living thing of all flesh that is with you: birds, animals, and everything that creeps on earth; and let them swarm on the earth and be fertile and increase on earth.” (18) So Noah came out, together with his sons, his wife, and his sons’ wives.
(ד) אִם־ר֤וּחַ הַמּוֹשֵׁל֙ תַּעֲלֶ֣ה עָלֶ֔יךָ מְקוֹמְךָ֖ אַל־תַּנַּ֑ח כִּ֣י מַרְפֵּ֔א יַנִּ֖יחַ חֲטָאִ֥ים גְּדוֹלִֽים׃

(יז) כָּל־הַחַיָּ֨ה אֲשֶֽׁר־אִתְּךָ֜ מִכָּל־בָּשָׂ֗ר בָּע֧וֹף וּבַבְּהֵמָ֛ה וּבְכָל־הָרֶ֛מֶשׂ הָרֹמֵ֥שׂ עַל־הָאָ֖רֶץ הוצא [הַיְצֵ֣א] אִתָּ֑ךְ וְשָֽׁרְצ֣וּ בָאָ֔רֶץ וּפָר֥וּ וְרָב֖וּ עַל־הָאָֽרֶץ׃
PARNAS (colloquially pronounced parnes):
By: Cyrus Adler, Gotthard Deutsch
Table of Contents
Neo-Hebraic word designating the president or the trustee of a congregation. It is found in the Targum as the equivalent of words which are interpreted as "steward" (see Isa. xxii. 15; Zech. xi. 3), and it is frequently met with in Talmudic literature. Mussafia (in "Musaf he-'Aruk," s.v.) derives it from the Greek, thinking evidently of either πρόνηος, which may be a synonym of ἄρχων τῆς συναγωγῆς = "ruler of the synagogue" (Luke viii. 41), or of πρόνοιος = "one who provides." Kohut ("Aruch Completum," s.v.) suggests πύρνος.
In Talmudic Times.
In Talmudic sources the parnas is evidently both the religious leader and the administrator of the community. The clearest statement is the following: "Who is a scholar, worthy of being appointed as parnas of the congregation? He who is asked about a law from any source—even if it were from the tractate of Kallah—and who answers" (Shab. 114a). Similarly the Talmud speaks of privileges conceded to the sons of scholars who were appointed as parnasim of the congregation (Hor. 13b; Shulḥan 'Aruk, Yoreh De'ah, 244, 17). In the same sense are to be understood passages like Ta'an. 9a, where Moses, Aaron, and Miriam are mentioned as ideal parnasim, and Yoma 86b, where Moses and David are similarly cited. The report that R. Akiba had been appointed parnas of the congregation (Yer. Peah 21a), even if legendary, shows that at the time when this story was recorded it was customary to elect a prominent scholar as leader of the congregation. This must have been the rule down to the fifteenth century; for the signatories to the charter given to the Jews of Speyer in 1090, Judah ben Kalonymus, David ben Meshullam, and Moses ben Jekuthiel ("Zeitschrift für Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland," i. 128), are in all likelihood identical with the authors of piyyuṭim. The signatures of the rabbis to the documents in the "Judenschreinsbuch" attesting congregational transactions, the designation of the recognized congregational representative as "bishop of the Jews," "rabbino mor," etc., as well as the Oriental custom of combining the leadership in religious with that in secular matters, would prove that the parnas was a rabbinical scholar placed in charge of the congregational affairs.
The meagerness of the sources on the constitution of congregations renders it very difficult to accurately specify the rights and the duties of the parnas. He was most likely appointed as such in olden times by the nasi (Yer. Yeb. 12a; Grätz, "Gesch." 3d ed., iv. 197; Weiss, "Dor," iii. 95 et seq.), receiving a diploma, "iggeret reshut" (Ḥag. iii. 3; see Tos. Yom-Ṭob; Ḥag. 18b; and Rashi and R. Nissim ad loc.); this seems to be proved by the expression (Ḳid. 70a). At the same time this appointment was in some way ratified by the people (Ber. 55a). Larger congregations as early as Talmudic times were administered by a board of parnasim; this appears not only from the comparison with Moses, Aaron, and Miriam, already quoted (Ta'an. 9a), but more clearly from the law that two brothers might not hold the office of parnas (Yer. Peah 21a), which presupposes that they would have to officiate at the same time. Among the privileges accorded to the parnas it is mentioned that he is called to the Torah after the Kohen and Levi, which means the first after those of priestly rank (Giṭ. 60a; Shulḥan 'Aruk, Oraḥ Ḥayyim, 136). It would also appearthat a parnas received a salary; for in the name of Samuel it is stated as a law that as soon as one has been appointed parnas he must not perform any labor in the presence of three people (i.e., publicly; Ḳid. 70a; Shulḥan 'Aruk, Ḥoshen Mishpaṭ, 8, 5), and further: "A man appointed parnas will soon become rich" (Yoma 22b). The names of the parnasim were mentioned in the prayers (Ket. 8a).
Intrigues for the appointment of parnasim were far from rare; and often an unworthy man used his office to gratify his vanity and to acquire material advantages. So the Talmud says: "A parnas who leads his congregation gently [on earth] will be privileged to lead it in the future world" (Sanh. 92a), while another passage says that God weeps over a parnas who rules haughtily (Ḥag. 5b), and that such a man is unbearable (Pes. 113b). As a type of this character R. Gamaliel is presented, to whom R. Joshua says: "Wo unto the generation whose parnas thou art!" (Ber. 28a). In this sense has the Talmud to be understood when it says: "No one is appointed parnas of the congregation unless a box full of creeping things hangs on his back" (Yoma 22b). The meaning of this metaphor seems to be that only an unscrupulous man can succeed in congregational politics—a thought paralleled by the saying: "The kingdom of Saul could not last, because it had no faults." The statement, "A generation is the reflex of its leader [parnas]; the leader, the reflex of his generation" ('Ar. 17a), is evidently also an expression of disgust at the success of unworthy leaders.
In Modern Times.
With the sixteenth century a change in the condition of congregational offices seems to have taken place. The rabbi confined his activity to teaching and to the rendering of decisions on religious questions, while the administration of the congregation was in the hands of a board of parnasim, whose president especially was called the parnas. The first to mention this change is Solomon Luria (d. 1573), who says that the law, referred to above, prohibiting the parnas from performing any labor publicly does not refer to the parnasim of modern times, who are only administrative officers, but to rabbinical scholars ("Yam shel Shelomoh"; Ḳid. iv. 4), while in Tos. Ḳid. 70a this distinction is not yet made. About the same time the expression "parnase ha-medinah" (= "trustees of the province") is met with (Moses Isserles, Responsa, Nos. 63, 64, 73; Jew. Encyc. iv. 305a, s.v. Council of Four Lands). It is from the same time onward that this expression, often in the pleonastic form "parnas u-manhig," is encountered in the cemetery of Frankfort. In such cities it was a title to nobility if one counted a parnas among his ancestors. Thus David Grünhut speaks of his parnasim ancestors on the title-page of his "Ṭob Ro'i" (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1712; Maggid, "Zur Gesch. der Günzburge," p. 166, St. Petersburg, 1899).
The arrogance of the parnasim is often a subject of complaint. Moses Ḥagiz fiercely denounces those who think that they owe the respect due to Talmudic scholars only to the local rabbi, as if the appointment of the rabbi due to the whim of parnasim, who are elected merely because of their wealth, could add anything to the worth of a scholar (Ḥagiz, "Leḳeṭ ha-Ḳemaḥ," section on Yoreh De'ah, 103a; "Paḥad Yiẓḥaḳ," s.v. "Talmid Ḥakam," p. 44a). Of internal strife in the congregation of Hamburg occasioned by elections to the office of parnas, Glückel von Hameln gives a vivid description (Kaufmann, "Die Memoiren der Glückel von Hameln," p. 32, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1896). Serious trouble in Amsterdam is reported as arising from dissensions among the parnasim in the first half of the eighteenth century ("Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1867, pp. 896, 933; Jew. Encyc. i. 541, s.v. Amsterdam). Very often in such cases the aid of the secular authorities was invoked, although such an appeal had often been severely condemned since medieval times (Grätz, l.c. vi. 181; Buber, "Anshe Shem," p. 66, Cracow, 1895). The mode of electing the parnas, his rights, and his duties were not regulated by law, but by local custom, which was only in rare instances written down in Taḳḳanot. Isaac ben Sheshet (Responsa, No. 476) declines to give a decision on such a question, because it should be decided by local tradition. Still it may be considered as a general rule (see Samuel of Modena, Responsa on Yoreh De'ah, 118) that the parnasim have the right to interpret the "ascamot" (see Ascama), but may not alter them.
From the end of the eighteenth century, and more especially from the beginning of the nineteenth, the various governments gave constitutions to their Jewish congregations, or the latter adopted such constitutions of their own accord. Through these constitutions, which were drafted in the language of the country, the Hebrew names for congregational offices began to disappear, and with them the title of parnas, although it is still used colloquially, and in some congregations officially.
(כא) וַיָּ֣רַח יקוק אֶת־רֵ֣יחַ הַנִּיחֹחַ֒ וַיֹּ֨אמֶר יקוק אֶל־לִבּ֗וֹ לֹֽא־אֹ֠סִף לְקַלֵּ֨ל ע֤וֹד אֶת־הָֽאֲדָמָה֙ בַּעֲב֣וּר הָֽאָדָ֔ם כִּ֠י יֵ֣צֶר לֵ֧ב הָאָדָ֛ם רַ֖ע מִנְּעֻרָ֑יו וְלֹֽא־אֹסִ֥ף ע֛וֹד לְהַכּ֥וֹת אֶת־כָּל־חַ֖י כַּֽאֲשֶׁ֥ר עָשִֽׂיתִי׃
(יח) וַהֲקִמֹתִ֥י אֶת־בְּרִיתִ֖י אִתָּ֑ךְ וּבָאתָ֙ אֶל־הַתֵּבָ֔ה אַתָּ֕ה וּבָנֶ֛יךָ
וְאִשְׁתְּךָ֥ וּנְשֵֽׁי־בָנֶ֖יךָ אִתָּֽךְ׃
(טז) צֵ֖א מִן־הַתֵּבָ֑ה אַתָּ֕ה וְאִשְׁתְּךָ֛
וּבָנֶ֥יךָ וּנְשֵֽׁי־בָנֶ֖יךָ אִתָּֽךְ׃
(16) “Come out of the ark, together with your wife, your sons, and your sons’ wives.




(יז) כָּל־הַחַיָּ֨ה אֲשֶֽׁר־אִתְּךָ֜ מִכָּל־בָּשָׂ֗ר בָּע֧וֹף וּבַבְּהֵמָ֛ה וּבְכָל־הָרֶ֛מֶשׂ הָרֹמֵ֥שׂ עַל־הָאָ֖רֶץ הוצא [הַיְצֵ֣א] אִתָּ֑ךְ וְשָֽׁרְצ֣וּ בָאָ֔רֶץ וּפָר֥וּ וְרָב֖וּ עַל־הָאָֽרֶץ׃
Traditionally, there were a number of different theories as to the values of the kri u'ktiv and its origins:
- Rav Saadia Gaon says that both kri and ktiv are important for understanding the text.
- Rabbi David Kimchi (Radak) similarly believed that both kri and ktiv were essential to the text. He says that they represent alternative texts of the Bible which arose during the first Babylonian exile. When people were unable to determine the correct version of the text among the variants, they choose to keep both. (Reference: Introduction of Radak to Book of Yehoshua, last few lines of the page).
- Rabbi Avraham Ibn Ezra almost exclusively finds value in the Kri and ignores the Ktiv. He considers the Kri to be the true intention of the text. He sees the Kri as an indication by the Masoretes of how to understand otherwise non-normative uses of Hebrew in the Ktiv.
- Abarbanel also prefers the Kri over the Ktiv. He offers two explanations for this phenomenon: 1) He suggests that Ezra and the sages (Anshei Knesset HaGdola) had Moshe's original Torah, but they found words that were difficult to understand, perhaps indicative of hidden meanings, etc. but added the Kri in order to provide a simple meaning to the text. 2) Regarding the phenomenon elsewhere in the Tanach, he considers them to be artifacts of the speakers and authors. For instance, Yechezkel wrote down his prophesies and recorded his speeches and his discussions with others, and the original ktiv reflects the natural but incomplete way in which people speak. The Kri are the amendments by Ezra to help the reader understand the original intention. (Reference: Introduction of Abarbanel to the Book of Yirmiyahu , middle of left column , also p. 295, left column...).
- The kri is a fix by the Masoretes to mistakes they found in the ktiv. (Yehoshua Meir Grintz p. 61, Gutholf Bergshterser p. 29). This theory is problematic because the Masoretes did not see themselves as introducing independent changes, but rather simply preserving what was passed down. Also, it happens often enough that the ktiv is in fact more understandable than the kri (ex. Genesis 8:17). Finally, word A sometimes appears as a ktiv for word B, and in another passage word B can appear as a ktiv for word B. (ex. Exodus 16:2, Numbers 14:36).
- The kri and ktiv are based on different versions of the text that was passed down and then checked against one another. (H. M. Orlinsky, The Origin of the Kethid-Qere System: A New Approach, VTS 7, 1960, p. 184-192) It seems unlikely though that there were exactly only two textual variants for a given kri u'ktiv.
- A compromise position which says that kri u'ktiv originally served as a way of making slight additions, like for using more euphemistic language when deemed necessary (e.g. yishagelna/yishkavna). Later, kri u'ktiv was expanded to include textual variants. According to this theory, the three texts of the Torah used in the Beit HaMikdash (Masechet Sofrim 6:4, Yerushalmi Taanit 4:2, Avot D'Rabbi Natan 46, Sifrei Dvarim 33:27 356) were considered as the original source texts and differences between these three were noted in the kri u'ktiv. (R. Gordis, The Biblical Text in the Making: a Study of Kethid-Qere, Philadelphia, 1971, p. 465, 456) The difficulty in this position is that the Masoretes had to make lots of decisions when writing their codices -- why would they suddenly choose to maintain record these differences, while all other aspects they simply decided without leaving any relevant footnotes, references, etc.
- Another suggestion is that the Ktiv reflects the written tradition, but the Kri represents a separate oral tradition which was passed down through the generations in parallel. (Broyer p. 9; S Levin) The difficulty with this suggestion is explaining how the oral tradition ever diverged from the written tradition in the first place.
- Aharon ben Asher, the Masorete who authored the Keter codex (considered the most reliable ever made), states, 'One does not contradict the other, but rather they are complementary.' (Sefer Dikdukei HaTaamim LeRabbi Aharon ben Moshe ben Asher, page 9). A modern author who bases his analysis on this theory is Maimon Kohen. His basic thesis is that they reflect variations of dialect, morphology, phonology... which existed in the Hebrew language at the time. The Ktiv might have one version, and the Kri will serve as an alternative form. The kri and ktiv texts mean the same thing, they're simply reflective of the unsettled nature of Biblical Hebrew with its many variant declensions, local dialects, etc. Most of this answer is based on his book -- I find it highly informative and recommend it strongly to anyone with an interest in Biblical Hebrew (albeit very technical in the areas of grammar and phonology).

The Seven Laws[edit]
The seven Noahide laws as traditionally enumerated in the Babylonian Talmud (Avodah Zarah 8:4, Sanhedrin 56a-b)[2][4][10][11] are the following:[1][2][3][4][5]
- Not to worship idols.[1][2][3][4][5][10][11]
- Not to curse God.[1][2][3][4][5][10][11]
- Not to commit murder.[1][2][3][4][5][10][11]
- Not to commit adultery, bestiality, or sexual immorality.[1][2][3][4][5][10][11]
- Not to steal.[1][2][3][4][5][10][11]
- Not to eat flesh torn from a living animal.[1][2][3][4][5][10][11]
- To establish courts of justice.[1][2][3][4][5][10][11]
The earliest complete rabbinic version of the seven Noahide laws can be found in the Tosefta:[14]
Seven commandments were commanded of the sons of Noah:
- concerning adjudication (dinim)
- concerning idolatry (avodah zarah)
- concerning blasphemy (qilelat ha-Shem)
- concerning sexual immorality (gilui arayot)
- concerning blood-shed (shefikhut damim)
- concerning robbery (gezel)
- concerning a limb torn from a living animal (ever min ha-hay)
(21) The LORD smelled the pleasing odor, and the LORD said to Himself: “Never again will I doom the earth because of man, since the devisings of man’s mind are evil from his youth; nor will I ever again destroy every living being, as I have done.


Seemingly, the expression was first used in the Baraita on the Thirty-two Rules, which is traditionally attributed to Eliezer ben Jose (a 2nd-century tanna).[1] However, according to modern scholar Moshe Zucker, this work was in fact only written in the 10th century.[2]
The term first appears in the Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael,[3] and also in the Mekhilta of Rabbi Shimon,[4] Sifre on Numbers,[5] and the Jerusalem Talmud.[6]
The Babylonian Talmud proves that "There is no chronological order in the Torah" from the fact that Numbers 9:1 occurred on the first day of Nisan, while the earlier verse Numbers 1:1 occurred on the first day of Iyyar, a month later. In the ensuing discussion, Rav Pappa limits the application of the rule to cases of different matter, but within a single topic he says the Torah's narrative must be chronological.[7] Later commentators disagree over the definition of a "matter": Rashi defines it as a parashah, while Rabbeinu Hananel defines it as a single topic of discussion.
The first Bible commentator to use the term was Rashi, who used it frequently, as did Ibn Ezra and the Torah Temimah. In contrast, Nachmanides argued that the Torah's order is generally chronological. Raavan argued that the principle only applies in the Torah, and not in the Nevi'im or Ketuvim.
(א) וישמע יתרו. הזכיר למעלה דבר עמלק כי לרפידים בא. והיתה ראויה פרשת בחדש השלישי להיותה כתובה אחר דבר עמלק. כי שם כתוב ויסעו מרפידים ויבאו מדבר סיני. אם כן למה נכנס דברי יתרו בין שתי הפרשיות. והגאון אמר כי יתרו בא אל מדבר סיני לפני מתן תורה. ולפי דעתי שלא בא רק בשנה השנית אחר שהוקם המשכן. כי כתוב בפרשה עולה וזבחים לאלקים. ולא הזכיר שבנה מזבח חדש. ועוד כתיב והודעתי את חקי האלקים ואת תורותיו. והנה זה אחר מתן תורה והעד הנאמן על דברי. ויש פרשה אחרת דומה לזאת:
(יא) וְזֹ֥את תּוֹרַ֖ת זֶ֣בַח הַשְּׁלָמִ֑ים אֲשֶׁ֥ר יַקְרִ֖יב לַיקוק׃





(א) משֶׁה קִבֵּל תּוֹרָה מִסִּינַי, וּמְסָרָהּ לִיהוֹשֻׁעַ, וִיהוֹשֻׁעַ לִזְקֵנִים, וּזְקֵנִים לִנְבִיאִים, וּנְבִיאִים מְסָרוּהָ לְאַנְשֵׁי כְנֶסֶת הַגְּדוֹלָה. הֵם אָמְרוּ שְׁלשָׁה דְבָרִים, הֱווּ מְתוּנִים בַּדִּין, וְהַעֲמִידוּ תַלְמִידִים הַרְבֵּה, וַעֲשׂוּ סְיָג לַתּוֹרָה:
(1) Moses received the Torah at Sinai and transmitted it to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, and the elders to the prophets, and the prophets to the Men of the Great Assembly. They said three things: Be patient in [the administration of] justice, raise many disciples and make a fence round the Torah.


Every year during the summer, on the 15th of the Hebrew month of Ab, the Jewish People celebrate the miracle God performed in the aftermath of the Battle of Beitar in 135 CE, of which Roman Emperor Antoninus played a minor part.After a difficult period in Judea after the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, the Jews were burdened by harsh emperors, including Hadrian, who ruled Judea with an iron fist – persecuting the Jews and their way of life.During the final act of the Great Revolt under the leadership of Judean Bar Kokhba, Roman soldiers ascended on the Jewish fortress of Beitar south of Jerusalem, laying siege to the city for three years.Beitar eventually fell and the Romans massacred more than half a million Jews all together in the battle and other battles during the revolt, according to the Greek historian Cassius Dio.For years, in order to enlarge the disgrace of the Jewish People, then-Emperor Hadrian refused to permit the surviving Jews to bury their countrymen. Hadrian even tried to erase Judea and the Jewish People off the map by naming the Holy Land “Syria Palæstina” and the Holy City of Jerusalem “Aelia Capitolina.”After Hadrian’s death, the Midrash (Eicha Rabbah) explains that Jewish leaders sent a delegation to the new Caesar – who allowed the Judeans to give the dead at Beitar their burial rites and to pay their final respects to the men, women and children who bravely fought the Roman army.After years of sitting out in the open, the Jewish community found the corpses in the city perfectly intact, without any signs of decomposition or foul odors.By comparing the account in the midrash to the chronicles of the Roman Empire, the ruler who permitted the burial was Antoninus.
After the death of Hadrian, it took Antoninus – one of the Roman Empire’s “Five Good Emperors” and the adopted son and heir of Hadrian – about only one year to repeal all the edicts persecuting the Jews and their way of life.

(יב) חַיִּ֣ים וָ֭חֶסֶד עָשִׂ֣יתָ עִמָּדִ֑י וּ֝פְקֻדָּתְךָ֗ שָֽׁמְרָ֥ה רוּחִֽי׃
(א) וַֽיקוק פָּקַ֥ד אֶת־שָׂרָ֖ה כַּאֲשֶׁ֣ר אָמָ֑ר וַיַּ֧עַשׂ יקוק לְשָׂרָ֖ה כַּאֲשֶׁ֥ר דִּבֵּֽר׃ (ב) וַתַּהַר֩ וַתֵּ֨לֶד שָׂרָ֧ה לְאַבְרָהָ֛ם בֵּ֖ן לִזְקֻנָ֑יו לַמּוֹעֵ֕ד אֲשֶׁר־דִּבֶּ֥ר אֹת֖וֹ אֱלֹקִֽים׃
(ו) יֵעָזְב֤וּ יַחְדָּו֙ לְעֵ֣יט הָרִ֔ים וּֽלְבֶהֱמַ֖ת הָאָ֑רֶץ וְקָ֤ץ עָלָיו֙ הָעַ֔יִט וְכָל־בֶּהֱמַ֥ת הָאָ֖רֶץ עָלָ֥יו תֶּחֱרָֽף׃



(כח) וַיְבָ֣רֶךְ אֹתָם֮ אֱלֹקִים֒ וַיֹּ֨אמֶר לָהֶ֜ם אֱלֹקִ֗ים פְּר֥וּ וּרְב֛וּ וּמִלְא֥וּ אֶת־הָאָ֖רֶץ וְכִבְשֻׁ֑הָ וּרְד֞וּ בִּדְגַ֤ת הַיָּם֙ וּבְע֣וֹף הַשָּׁמַ֔יִם וּבְכָל־חַיָּ֖ה הָֽרֹמֶ֥שֶׂת עַל־הָאָֽרֶץ׃
(ד) כִּי־ה֞וּא רֹדֶ֣ה ׀ בְּכָל־עֵ֣בֶר הַנָּהָ֗ר מִתִּפְסַח֙ וְעַד־עַזָּ֔ה בְּכָל־מַלְכֵ֖י עֵ֣בֶר הַנָּהָ֑ר וְשָׁל֗וֹם הָ֥יָה ל֛וֹ מִכָּל־עֲבָרָ֖יו מִסָּבִֽיב׃
You are permitted to make use of the living creatures and their service, you are allowed to exercise power over them so that they may promote your subsistence; but you may not treat the life force within them contemptuously and slay them in order to eat their flesh; your proper diet shall be vegetable food. It is true that the eating of flesh is not specifically forbidden here, but the prohibition is clearly to be inferred. ...Apparently the Torah seeks to convey that in principle man should refrain from eating meat, and that when Noah and his sons were granted permission to eat flesh, this was only a concession subject to the condition that the blood was not to be consumed. This prohibition implies respect for the principle of life (‘for the blood is the life’), and it serves also... to remind us that rightly all parts of the flesh should have been forbidden. It behooves us, therefore, to eschew eating at least one element thereof in order to remember the earlier prohibition.
“There can be no doubt in the mind of any intelligent, thinking person that when the Torah instructs humankind to dominate – "And have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the birds of the sky, and over every living thing that moves upon the Earth" (Genesis 1:28) – it does not mean the domination of a harsh ruler, who afflicts his people and servants merely to fulfill his personal whim and desire, according to the crookedness of his heart. It is unthinkable that the Torah would impose such a decree of servitude, sealed for all eternity, upon the world of God, Who is "good to all, and His mercy is upon all His works" (Psalms 145:9), and Who declared, "The world shall be built upon kindness" (Psalms 89:3). Moreover, the Torah attests that all humanity once possessed this lofty moral level. Citing scriptural proofs, our Sages explain (Sanhedrin 57a) that Adam was not permitted to eat meat: "Behold, I have given you every tree... yielding seed for food" (Genesis 1:29). Eating meat was permitted to the children of Noah only after the Flood: "Like the green herb, I have given you everything" (Genesis 9:3). Is it conceivable that this moral excellence, which once existed as an inherent human characteristic, should be lost forever? Concerning these and similar matters, it states, "I shall bring knowledge from afar, and unto my Maker I shall ascribe righteousness" (Job 36:3). In the future, God shall cause us to make great spiritual strides, and thus extricate us from this complex question.
(ד) אַךְ־בָּשָׂ֕ר בְּנַפְשׁ֥וֹ דָמ֖וֹ לֹ֥א תֹאכֵֽלוּ׃
(כב) הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר, הַיִּלּוֹדִים לָמוּת, וְהַמֵּתִים לְהֵחָיוֹת, וְהַחַיִּים לִדּוֹן. לֵידַע לְהוֹדִיעַ וּלְהִוָּדַע שֶׁהוּא אֵל, הוּא הַיּוֹצֵר, הוּא הַבּוֹרֵא, הוּא הַמֵּבִין, הוּא הַדַּיָּן, הוּא עֵד, הוּא בַעַל דִּין, וְהוּא עָתִיד לָדוּן. בָּרוּךְ הוּא, שֶׁאֵין לְפָנָיו לֹא עַוְלָה, וְלֹא שִׁכְחָה, וְלֹא מַשּׂוֹא פָנִים, וְלֹא מִקַּח שֹׁחַד, שֶׁהַכֹּל שֶׁלּוֹ. וְדַע שֶׁהַכֹּל לְפִי הַחֶשְׁבּוֹן. וְאַל יַבְטִיחֲךָ יִצְרְךָ שֶׁהַשְּׁאוֹל בֵּית מָנוֹס לְךָ, שֶׁעַל כָּרְחֲךָ אַתָּה נוֹצָר, וְעַל כָּרְחֲךָ אַתָּה נוֹלָד, וְעַל כָּרְחֲךָ אַתָּה חַי, וְעַל כָּרְחֲךָ אַתָּה מֵת, וְעַל כָּרְחֲךָ אַתָּה עָתִיד לִתֵּן דִּין וְחֶשְׁבּוֹן לִפְנֵי מֶלֶךְ מַלְכֵי הַמְּלָכִים הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא:
(22) He used to say: the ones who were born are to die, and the ones who have died are to be brought to life, and the ones brought to life are to be judged; So that one may know, make known and have the knowledge that He is God, He is the designer, He is the creator, He is the discerner, He is the judge, He the witness, He the complainant, and that He will summon to judgment. Blessed be He, before Whom there is no iniquity, nor forgetting, nor respect of persons, nor taking of bribes, for all is His. And know that all is according to the reckoning. And let not your impulse assure thee that the grave is a place of refuge for you; for against your will were you formed, against your will were you born, against your will you live, against your will you will die, and against your will you will give an account and reckoning before the King of the kings of kings, the Holy One, blessed be He.
(א) דין המאבד עצמו לדעת ומנודה והרוגי ב"ד והפורשין מן הצבור. ובו ח' סעיפים:
המאבד עצמו לדעת אין מתעסקים עמו לכל דבר ואין מתאבלין עליו ואין מספידין אותו ולא קורעין ולא חולצין אבל עומדין עליו בשורה ואומרים עליו ברכת אבלים וכל דבר שהוא כבוד לחיים:
(ב) איזהו מאבד עצמו לדעת כגון שאמר הרי הוא עולה לראש הגג וראוהו שעלה מיד דרך כעס או שהיה מיצר ונפל ומת הרי זה בחזקת שאיבד עצמו לדעת
אבל אם ראוהו חנוק ותלוי באילן או הרוג ומושלך על גבי סייפו הרי הוא בחזקת כל המתים ומתעסקים עמו ואין מונעין ממנו דבר: הגה מי שגנב וגזל ועל ידי זה נהרג בדין מלכות מתאבלים עליו אם אין בו סכנה מפני אימת המלכות ולא מקרי מאבד לדעת (מהרי"ו סימן קי"ד) :
(ג) קטן המאבד עצמו לדעת חשוב כשלא לדעת וכן גדול המאבד עצמו לדעת והוא אנוס כשאול המלך אין מונעין ממנו כל דבר:
(ד) מנודה שמת דינו כמאבד עצמו לדעת אין קורעין ולא חולצין ולא מספידין עליו ומניחין אבן על ארונו והני מילי באפקירותא כשעובר על ד"ת אבל בממונא כיון שמת פטור מגזירתם ואין מניחין אבן על ארונו ומספידין אותו כראוי:
(ה) כל הפורשים מדרכי צבור והם האנשים שפרקו עול המצות מעל צוארם ואין נכללים בכלל ישראל בעשייתם ובכבוד המועדות וישיבת בתי כנסיות ובתי מדרשות אלא הרי הם כבני חורין לעצמן כשאר האומות וכן המומרים והמוסרים כל אלו אין אוננים ואין מתאבלים עליהם אלא אחיהם ושאר קרוביהם לובשים לבנים ומתעטפים לבנים ואוכלים ושותים ושמחים: הגה הפורש מן הצבור ולא רצה לשאת עמהם במסים וארנוניות מתאבלים עליו (תשו' רשב"א סי' תשס"ג) אבל אין שאר בני העיר צריכים לבטל ממלאכתן בשבילו לעסוק עמו (כן משמע בנ"י סוף מ"ק):
(ו) קטן בן שנה או שנתיים שהמיר עם אמו ומת אין מתאבלין עליו. (ועיין לעיל סימן ש"מ סעיף ה'):
(ז) מי שנפל בים או טבע בנהר או אכלתו חיה אין מונעין ממנו דבר:
(ח) ארון העובר ממקום למקום אם שלדו (פירוש השדרה וצלעותיה) קיימת עומדין עליו בשורה ואומרים עליו ברכת אבלים ותנחומי אבלים אם יש אבלים שמתאבלין עליו ואם אין שלדו קיימת אין עומדין עליו בשורה ואין אומרים עליו ברכת אבלים ולא תנחומי אבלים:
(1) One who commits suicide wilfully is not attended to at all;1and one does not mourn for him and no lamentation is made for him, nor does one rend [garments] or bare [the shoulder in mourning for him], but one stands for him in the line [of comforters], and one recites over him the mourners' blessing, and whatever [brings] honour [only] to the living [may be done].
(2) Who is [considered] a wilful suicide? — For example, if one stated that he is going up to the roof-top, and they saw him go up at once in anger; or he was in distress, and [then] fell down3By throwing himself down from the roof-top. and died, — [the law is that] such a person is presumed to have committed suicide wilfully. But if they discovered him4Sem. has ‘they found him.’ strangled and hung upon a tree, or [they found him] killed5 infra § 364, 4. and thrown upon his sword, he is presumed to be like all [other] dead,6For it may have been the result of an accident and unintentional. and they attend to him and withhold not from him anything.7Yad ibid., derived from Sem(H). II, 2-3. The following rules determine a suicidal case: a) The actual commission of suicide must be observed. A mere indication of suicide is not relied upon, unless the suicide’s previous actions clearly indicate such commision. b) It must be committed wilfully and clearheadedly. c) The expressed intention for such commision must be followed by the act proper. d) In the case of a person found hung, even if the surrounding circumstances lead one to believe that the person took his life, nevertheless, he is not considered a suicide — P.Tesh. If one was not seen going up to the roof-top to take his life in accord with his previous expressed intention, the law is that even if he was later found dead, he is not presumed to be a suicide (RaSHaL) — ShaK. supra c. Gloss:
San. 11a; Sota 48b. Otherwise, mourning could be regarded as an act of provocation. One who threw himself into the river is not considered a suicide, for prior to drowning, he is cast about by the waves, and no doubt, before he drowns, he repents — G.Mah.
And likewise, one who was of age, and committed suicide wilfully, [being under pressure, as [in the case of] King Saul,13For whom suicide was permitted lest the Philistines torture him. Yeb. 78b: ‘“For Saul” (II Sam. XXI, 1) because he was not mourned for properly.’ also Gen. R. Noah XXXIV, 1 Thus also N and Asheri. On King Saul’s tragic death v. I Sam. — [the law is that] they withhold not from him a thing.
(4) An excommunicant who died, is adjudged as one who committed suicide wilfully.14N in T.H. Since he is put to shame by the stone which is placed upon his coffin (v. infra n. 15), it follows that no honour should be extended to him. However, honour which accrues to the living is extended, viz., forming the line of comforters in order to console the mourners. With respect to burial and shrouds he is considered like all other dead — ShaK. They rend no [garments], nor bare [the shoulder in mourning], nor make a lamentation for him,14N in T.H. Since he is put to shame by the stone which is placed upon his coffin (v. infra n. 15), it follows that no honour should be extended to him. However, honour which accrues to the living is extended, viz., forming the line of comforters in order to console the mourners. With respect to burial and shrouds he is considered like all other dead — ShaK. and they place a stone on his coffin.15M.K. 15a in accord with R. Judah. Cf. also Sem(H). V, 13. This is done in order to carry out the ordinance of stoning. Josh. VII, 25. This ruling obtains in [a case where the person was excommunicated for] sheer contumacy,16Cf. M.K. 16a. [i.e.,] where one transgresses the teachings of the Law [out of contempt], but in [a case where one was excommunicated because of refusal to pay] indemnities, — [the law is that] as soon as he17The excommunicant. dies, he is declared free from their18The Rabbis. decree, and they do not place a stone on his coffin, and they make a lamentation for him as is fit.19This entire ruling is found supra § 334, 3.
(5) All those who dissociate themselves from the practices of the community, viz.,20Lit. ‘and they (are).’ those people who have cast off the yoke of the precepts from their neck,21e., they reject all religious obligations. and are not included within the community of Israel in the observance thereof,22e., the precepts. [nor] in [showing] respect [towards] the Festivals, [nor] in attending Synagogues and Study-Houses, but are as freemen for themselves, like the [people of] other nations [who have not accepted God]; and likewise, those who are apostates and informers, — [the law is that] for all these, one does not observe Aninuth23 supra § 341. or mourning rites24However, their burial needs are attended to — P.Tesh. One should observe mourning rites at the time apostasy is committed — B.L.Y. This is the accepted practice and applies only to one whose son or daughter committed apostasy, but not to other near-of-kin. In Hag. Asheri to M.K. it is stated that R. Gershom observed mourning rites for his son who became an apostate. According to TaZ and Ḥatam Sofer the mourning rites were observed by R. Gershom after his son died. T.T. wa-Da‘ath maintains that the mourning rites were observed during the son’s lifetime, after he committed apostasy., but their brethren and other relations put on white clothes and wrap themselves in white25It follows that mourners should wear dark clothes, and every locality should abide by its accepted practice — Ghayyat cited by Tur. also Kol Bo(G) I, p. 29, s. 10. and eat and drink and rejoice.26Sem(H). II, 8; Yad, Ebel I, 10. The reason for rejoicing is based on Prov. XI, 10: ‘When the wicked perish, there is joy.’ (cf. San. 39b). Sem. ibid. cites Ps. CXXXIX, 21-22: ‘Do not I hate them, O Lord, that hate Thee? … I count them mine enemies.’ Gloss: One who dissociates himself from [the practices] of the community and refuses to carry the burden with them of imposts and Arnona,27Tax from crops and cattle paid in kind. is mourned for,28RaShBA, Resp. 663 — G. but all the other townspeople are not required to abstain from work on account of him in order to attend to him.29Implied in N.Yos. M.K. end — G. D.Moshe.
(6) A minor [who is] one or two years olld, who commits apostasy [along] with his mother,30Or his father. supra § 340, 5 — G. and [then] he died, is not to be mourned for.31D.Merb. rejects this ruling.
(7) One who fell into the sea or was drowned in the river or a beast devoured him, — [the law is that] one does not withhold anything from him.32Sem(H). II, 10.
(8) A coffin that passes [on its way] from place to place,—if the body, i.e., the spinal column and its ribs, is intact, they stand in the [comforters'] line and recite on account of him the mourner's benediction and offer condolence to the mourners, if there are mourners who mourn for him; but if the body is not intact, they do not stand in the [comforters'] line and do not recite the mourners' benediction, nor do they offer condolence to the mourners.33M.K. 25a.

(1) In the first year of King Belshazzar of Babylon, Daniel saw a dream and a vision of his mind in bed; afterward he wrote down the dream. Beginning the account, (2) Daniel related the following: “In my vision at night, I saw the four winds of heaven stirring up the great sea. (3) Four mighty beasts different from each other emerged from the sea. (4) The first was like a lion but had eagles’ wings. As I looked on, its wings were plucked off, and it was lifted off the ground and set on its feet like a man and given the mind of a man. (5) Then I saw a second, different beast, which was like a bear but raised on one side, and with three fangs in its mouth among its teeth; it was told, ‘Arise, eat much meat!’ (6) After that, as I looked on, there was another one, like a leopard, and it had on its back four wings like those of a bird; the beast had four heads, and dominion was given to it. (7) After that, as I looked on in the night vision, there was a fourth beast—fearsome, dreadful, and very powerful, with great iron teeth—that devoured and crushed, and stamped the remains with its feet. It was different from all the other beasts which had gone before it; and it had ten horns. (8) While I was gazing upon these horns, a new little horn sprouted up among them; three of the older horns were uprooted to make room for it. There were eyes in this horn like those of a man, and a mouth that spoke arrogantly. (9) As I looked on, Thrones were set in place, And the Ancient of Days took His seat. His garment was like white snow, And the hair of His head was like lamb’s wool. His throne was tongues of flame; Its wheels were blazing fire. (10) A river of fire streamed forth before Him; Thousands upon thousands served Him; Myriads upon myriads attended Him; The court sat and the books were opened. (11) I looked on. Then, because of the arrogant words that the horn spoke, the beast was killed as I looked on; its body was destroyed and it was consigned to the flames. (12) The dominion of the other beasts was taken away, but an extension of life was given to them for a time and season. (13) As I looked on, in the night vision, One like a human being Came with the clouds of heaven; He reached the Ancient of Days And was presented to Him.
In chapter 2, Nebuchadnezzar dreams of a statue made of four different materials, identified as four kingdoms:
- Head of gold. Explicitly identified as King Nebuchadnezzar (kingdom of Babylon).[v.37–38]
- Chest and arms of silver. Identified as an "inferior" kingdom to follow Nebuchadnezzar.[v.39]
- Belly and thighs of bronze. A third kingdom which shall rule over all the earth, believed to symbolize the kingdom of Greece.[v.39]
- Legs of iron with feet of mingled iron and clay. Interpreted as a fourth kingdom, strong as iron, but the feet and toes partly of clay and partly of iron show it shall be a divided kingdom believed to symbolize the kingdom of Rome.[v.41]
Rashi, a medieval rabbi, interpreted the four kingdoms as Nebuchadnezzar ("you are the head of gold"), Belshazzar ("another kingdom lower than you"), Alexander of Macedon ("a third kingdom of copper"), and the Roman Empire ("and in the days of these kings").[5] Rashi explains that the fifth kingdom that God will establish is the kingdom of the messiah.[5]
The following interpretation represents a traditional view of Jewish and Christian Historicists, Futurists, Dispensationalists, Partial Preterists, and other futuristic Jewish and Christian hybrids, as well as certain Messianic Jews, who typically identify the kingdoms in Daniel (with variations) as:
- the Babylonian Empire
- the Medo-Persian Empire
- the Greek Empire
- the Roman Empire, with other implications to come later
(יב) הַצִּילֵ֥נִי נָ֛א מִיַּ֥ד אָחִ֖י מִיַּ֣ד עֵשָׂ֑ו כִּֽי־יָרֵ֤א אָנֹכִי֙ אֹת֔וֹ פֶּן־יָב֣וֹא וְהִכַּ֔נִי אֵ֖ם עַל־בָּנִֽים׃
(יז) וְאַתֵּ֣נָה צֹאנִ֔י כֹּ֥ה אָמַ֖ר אדושם יקוק הִנְנִ֤י שֹׁפֵט֙ בֵּֽין־שֶׂ֣ה לָשֶׂ֔ה לָאֵילִ֖ים וְלָעַתּוּדִֽים׃
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| A: Good. B: Dominion. C: God created man. |
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By: Solomon Schechter, S. Mendelsohn
Table of Contents
Diverse Operations of the Caution.
Between Two Deaths.
Caution or warning given to those who are about to commit a crime. The Rabbis consider the fact that not all men are lawyers (comp. "Yad Malaki," Din 24), and therefore many sin through ignorance or error. To prove guilty intention, which alone can render one amenable to the full penalty for his crime, the Rabbis provide that, prior to the perpetration of a crime, the one who is about to perpetrate it must have been cautioned of the gravity of his project (Sanh. v. 1, 8b; Mak. 6b). This proviso they try to deduce (probably only in the way of "support") from certain peculiar expressions and phrases used by Scripture in connection with various crimes and their punishments (Sanh. 40b).
The caution has to be administered immediately before the commission of the crime (Sanh. 40b; Maimonides, "Yad," Sanhedrin, xii. 2), and, according to the better opinion of the legists, alike to the scholar and to the layman, since by this caution alone may the court be enabled to distinguish between error and presumption (Sanh. 8b; "Yad," l.c. xiv. 4). The caution must name the particular punishment which the commission of the contemplated misdemeanor entails—whether corporal or capital. If the latter, the particular mode of death (see Capital Punishment) has to be mentioned, or the legal penalty attached to the crime can not be imposed (Sanh. 8b; Mak. 16a).

PART ONE
"Open ye the gates, that the righteous nation which keepeth the truth may enter in."--(Isa. xxvi. 2.)
CHAPTER I
Some have been of opinion that by the Hebrew ẓelem, the shape and figure of a thing is to be understood, and this explanation led men to believe in the corporeality [of the Divine Being]: for they thought that the words "Let us make man in our ẓelem" (Gen. i. 26), implied that God had the form of a human being, i.e., that He had figure and shape, and that, consequently, He was corporeal. They adhered faithfully to this view, and thought that if they were to relinquish it they would eo ipso reject the truth of the Bible: and further, if they did not conceive God as having a body possessed of face and limbs, similar to their own in appearance, they would have to deny even the existence of God. The sole difference which they admitted, was that He excelled in greatness and splendour, and that His substance was not flesh and blood. Thus far went their conception of the greatness and glory of God. The incorporeality of the Divine Being, and His unity, in the true sense of the word--for there is no real unity without incorporeality--will be fully proved in the course of the present treatise. (Part II., ch. i.) In this chapter it is our sole intention to explain the meaning of the words ẓelem and demut.
I hold that the Hebrew equivalent of "form" in the ordinary acceptation of the word, viz., the figure and shape of a thing, is toär. Thus we find "[And Joseph was] beautiful in toär ('form'), and beautiful in appearance" (Gen. xxxix. 6): "What form (toär) is he of?" (1 Sam. xxviii. 14): "As the form (toär) of the children of a king" (Judges viii. 18). It is also applied to form produced by human labour, as "He marketh its form (toär) with a line," "and he marketh its form (toär) with the compass" (Isa. xliv. 13). This term is not at all applicable to God. The term ẓelem, on the other hand, signifies the specific form, viz., that which constitutes the essence of a thing, whereby the thing is what it is; the reality of a thing in so far as it is that particular being.
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Demut is derived from the verb damah, "he is like." This term likewise denotes agreement with regard to some abstract relation: comp. "I am like a pelican of the wilderness" (Ps. cii. 7); the author does not compare himself to the pelican in point of wings and feathers, but in point of sadness." Nor any tree in the garden of God was like unto him in beauty" (Ezek. 8); the comparison refers to the idea of beauty. "Their poison is like the poison of a serpent" (Ps. lviii. 5); "He is like unto a lion" (Ps. xvii. 12); the resemblance indicated in these passages does not refer to the figure and shape, but to some abstract idea. In the same manner is used "the likeness of the throne" (Ezek. i. 26); the comparison is made with regard to greatness and glory, not, as many believe, with regard to its square form, its breadth, or the length of its legs: this explanation applies also to the phrase "the likeness of the ḥayyot ("living creatures," Ezek. i. 13).
As man's distinction consists in a property which no other creature on earth possesses, viz., intellectual perception, in the exercise of which he does not employ his senses, nor move his hand or his foot, this perception has been compared--though only apparently, not in truth--to the Divine perception, which requires no corporeal organ. On this account, i.e., on account of the Divine intellect with which man has been endowed, he is said to have been made in the form and likeness of the Almighty, but far from it be the notion that the Supreme Being is corporeal, having a material form.
(ה) כֵּיצַד מְאַיְּמִין אֶת הָעֵדִים עַל עֵדֵי נְפָשׁוֹת, הָיוּ מַכְנִיסִין אוֹתָן וּמְאַיְּמִין עֲלֵיהֶן. שֶׁמָּא תֹאמְרוּ מֵאֹמֶד, וּמִשְּׁמוּעָה, עֵד מִפִּי עֵד וּמִפִּי אָדָם נֶאֱמָן שָׁמַעְנוּ, אוֹ שֶׁמָּא אִי אַתֶּם יוֹדְעִין שֶׁסּוֹפֵנוּ לִבְדֹּק אֶתְכֶם בִּדְרִישָׁה וּבַחֲקִירָה. הֱווּ יוֹדְעִין שֶׁלֹּא כְדִינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת, אָדָם נוֹתֵן מָמוֹן וּמִתְכַּפֵּר לוֹ. דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת, דָּמוֹ וְדַם זַרְעִיּוֹתָיו תְּלוּיִין בּוֹ עַד סוֹף הָעוֹלָם, שֶׁכֵּן מָצִינוּ בְקַיִן שֶׁהָרַג אֶת אָחִיו, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (בראשית ד) דְּמֵי אָחִיךָ צֹעֲקִים, אֵינוֹ אוֹמֵר דַּם אָחִיךָ אֶלָּא דְּמֵי אָחִיךָ, דָּמוֹ וְדַם זַרְעִיּוֹתָיו. דָּבָר אַחֵר, דְּמֵי אָחִיךָ, שֶׁהָיָה דָמוֹ מֻשְׁלָךְ עַל הָעֵצִים וְעַל הָאֲבָנִים. לְפִיכָךְ נִבְרָא אָדָם יְחִידִי, לְלַמֶּדְךָ, שֶׁכָּל הַמְאַבֵּד נֶפֶשׁ אַחַת מִיִּשְׂרָאֵל, מַעֲלֶה עָלָיו הַכָּתוּב כְּאִלּוּ אִבֵּד עוֹלָם מָלֵא. וְכָל הַמְקַיֵּם נֶפֶשׁ אַחַת מִיִּשְׂרָאֵל, מַעֲלֶה עָלָיו הַכָּתוּב כְּאִלּוּ קִיֵּם עוֹלָם מָלֵא. וּמִפְּנֵי שְׁלוֹם הַבְּרִיּוֹת, שֶׁלֹּא יֹאמַר אָדָם לַחֲבֵרוֹ אַבָּא גָדוֹל מֵאָבִיךָ. וְשֶׁלֹּא יְהוּ מִינִין אוֹמְרִים, הַרְבֵּה רָשֻׁיּוֹת בַּשָּׁמָיִם. וּלְהַגִּיד גְּדֻלָּתוֹ שֶׁל הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, שֶׁאָדָם טוֹבֵעַ כַּמָּה מַטְבְּעוֹת בְּחוֹתָם אֶחָד וְכֻלָּן דּוֹמִין זֶה לָזֶה, וּמֶלֶךְ מַלְכֵי הַמְּלָכִים הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא טָבַע כָּל אָדָם בְּחוֹתָמוֹ שֶׁל אָדָם הָרִאשׁוֹן וְאֵין אֶחָד מֵהֶן דּוֹמֶה לַחֲבֵרוֹ. לְפִיכָךְ כָּל אֶחָד וְאֶחָד חַיָּב לוֹמַר, בִּשְׁבִילִי נִבְרָא הָעוֹלָם. וְשֶׁמָּא תֹאמְרוּ מַה לָּנוּ וְלַצָּרָה הַזֹּאת, וַהֲלֹא כְבָר נֶאֱמַר (ויקרא ה) וְהוּא עֵד אוֹ רָאָה אוֹ יָדָע אִם לוֹא יַגִּיד וְגוֹ'. וְשֶׁמָּא תֹאמְרוּ מַה לָּנוּ לָחוּב בְּדָמוֹ שֶׁל זֶה, וַהֲלֹא כְבָר נֶאֱמַר (משלי יא) וּבַאֲבֹד רְשָׁעִים רִנָּה:
(5) How does the court intimidate the witnesses in giving testimony for cases of capital law? They would bring the witnesses in and intimidate them by saying to them: Perhaps what you say in your testimony is based on conjecture, or perhaps it is based on a rumor, perhaps it is testimony based on hearsay, e.g., you heard a witness testify to this in a different court, or perhaps it is based on the statement of a trusted person. Perhaps you do not know that ultimately we examine you with inquiry and interrogation, and if you are lying, your lie will be discovered. The court tells them: You should know that cases of capital law are not like cases of monetary law. In cases of monetary law, a person who testifies falsely, causing money to be given to the wrong party, can give the money to the proper owner and his sin is atoned for. In cases of capital law, if one testifies falsely, the blood of the accused and the blood of his offspring that he did not merit to produce are ascribed to the witness’s testimony until eternity. The proof for this is as we found with Cain, who killed his brother, as it is stated concerning him: “The voice of your brother’s blood [demei] cries out to Me from the ground” (Genesis 4:10). The verse does not state: Your brother’s blood [dam], in the singular, but rather: “Your brother’s blood [demei],” in the plural. This serves to teach that the loss of both his brother’s blood and the blood of his brother’s offspring are ascribed to Cain. The mishna notes: Alternatively, the phrase “your brother’s blood [demei],” written in the plural, teaches that that his blood was not gathered in one place but was splattered on the trees and on the stones. The court tells the witnesses: Therefore, Adam the first man was created alone, to teach you that with regard to anyone who destroys one soul from the Jewish people, i.e., kills one Jew, the verse ascribes him blame as if he destroyed an entire world, as Adam was one person, from whom the population of an entire world came forth. And conversely, anyone who sustains one soul from the Jewish people, the verse ascribes him credit as if he sustained an entire world. The mishna cites another reason Adam the first man was created alone: And this was done due to the importance of maintaining peace among people, so that one person will not say to another: My father, i.e., progenitor, is greater than your father. And it was also so that the heretics who believe in multiple gods will not say: There are many authorities in Heaven, and each created a different person. And this serves to tell of the greatness of the Holy One, Blessed be He, as when a person stamps several coins with one seal, they are all similar to each other. But the supreme King of kings, the Holy One, Blessed be He, stamped all people with the seal of Adam the first man, as all of them are his offspring, and not one of them is similar to another. Therefore, since all humanity descends from one person, each and every person is obligated to say: The world was created for me, as one person can be the source of all humanity, and recognize the significance of his actions. The court says to the witnesses: And perhaps you will say: Why would we want this trouble? Perhaps it would be better not to testify at all. But be aware, as is it not already stated: “And he being a witness, whether he has seen or known, if he does not utter it, then he shall bear his iniquity” (Leviticus 5:1)? It is a transgression not to testify when one can do so. And perhaps you will say: Why would we want to be responsible for the blood of this person? But be aware, as is it not already stated: “When the wicked perish, there is song” (Proverbs 11:10)?
(ו) רָחַץ לַיְלָה הָרִאשׁוֹן שֶׁמֵּתָה אִשְׁתּוֹ. אָמְרוּ לוֹ תַלְמִידָיו, לֹא לִמַּדְתָּנוּ, רַבֵּנוּ, שֶׁאָבֵל אָסוּר לִרְחֹץ. אָמַר לָהֶם, אֵינִי כִשְׁאָר כָּל אָדָם, אִסְטְנִיס אָנִי:
(6) The mishna relates another episode portraying unusual conduct by Rabban Gamliel. He bathed on the first night after his wife died. His students said to him: Have you not taught us, our teacher, that a mourner is prohibited to bathe? He answered them: I am not like other people, I am delicate [istenis]. For me, not bathing causes actual physical distress, and even a mourner need not suffer physical distress as part of his mourning.


