Michael K. Silber, The Emergence of UltraOrthodoxy: The Invention of a Tradition
Senior Lecturer in the Department of Jewish History and Contemporary Jewry at Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
Of all the branches of modern-day Judaism, ultra-Orthodoxy is undoubtedly the
most tradition-oriented. Its rallying cry is “All innovation is prohibited by the Torah!”
a clever wordplay on a Talmudic ruling first coined by Rabbi Moses Sofer in the early
nineteenth century that captures the essence of its conservative ideology. And yet,
like other antimodern conservative movements, ultra-Orthodoxy itself is clearly a
recent phenomenon. Belying the conventional wisdom of both its adherents and its
opponents, it is in fact not an unchanged and unchanging remnant of pre-modern,
traditional Jewish society, but as much a child of modernity and change as any of its
“modern” rivals.
Senior Lecturer in the Department of Jewish History and Contemporary Jewry at Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
Of all the branches of modern-day Judaism, ultra-Orthodoxy is undoubtedly the
most tradition-oriented. Its rallying cry is “All innovation is prohibited by the Torah!”
a clever wordplay on a Talmudic ruling first coined by Rabbi Moses Sofer in the early
nineteenth century that captures the essence of its conservative ideology. And yet,
like other antimodern conservative movements, ultra-Orthodoxy itself is clearly a
recent phenomenon. Belying the conventional wisdom of both its adherents and its
opponents, it is in fact not an unchanged and unchanging remnant of pre-modern,
traditional Jewish society, but as much a child of modernity and change as any of its
“modern” rivals.
Rabbi Moshe Stern, Responsa Be’er Moshe,
Introduction Volume 1
One of the more important of the Chasidic halakhic poskim of the 20th century in the United States.
I will expound in honor of the holy and glorified community, Kehal Yesodei Hatorah,
[established based] on the customs of the Chatam Sofer, may his merit protect us,
here in Brooklyn, [New York, in the] neighborhood of Boro Park. With God’s help,
the overwhelming majority [of the congregants] is God-fearing and concerned
(charedim) about God’s word, pursuers of peace and chesed, lovers of the truth,
[people who] abhor strife, and who distance themselves from all argument and
conflict . . . May they see [the rise of a new] generation of blessed righteous
[children], blessed by God in the paths of the Torah and fear of God, in the way
of our holy ancestors and rabbis – the great and righteous of Hungary, may their
merit protect us. In keeping with the witty remark of the Chatam Sofer, “[the] new is
prohibited by the Torah,” the way of the renewers in the spirit of the times and the
progressives is biblically prohibited to us and our descendants for all time.
Thank God that we do not need to learn Torah and God’s ways from great Torah
scholars that originate in other countries [and especially after coming to know that
a chasm divides us in our respective philosophies . . .]. Thank God we need not be
ashamed by our great sages – born and bred in Hungary – mightily fighting God’s
battles, that have taught us to understand and to distinguish between that which is
pure for us and that which is impure for us, to be apart and separate from those that
have seized onto the new, pursuing the spirit of the times that is so appealing to the
small-minded and the dimwitted, who wish to escape the yoke of the exile with their
ideas and plans, and to our deep distress have found crushed and broken reeds,
rabbis and parents, upon whom to lean on. . . .
Fortunate is the one that sticks to his heritage and does not shame the way of
our ancestors by going and picking roses full of thorns and thistles in the fields of
others, to drink the wine of Torah from vineyards that do not keep with the spirit of
our ancestors, that gave their lives for every law in the Shulchan Arukh and who
did not seek compromises . . . As our great teacher, the Chatam Sofer taught us,
reversing the letters of minhag yields gehinnom.
Introduction Volume 1
One of the more important of the Chasidic halakhic poskim of the 20th century in the United States.
I will expound in honor of the holy and glorified community, Kehal Yesodei Hatorah,
[established based] on the customs of the Chatam Sofer, may his merit protect us,
here in Brooklyn, [New York, in the] neighborhood of Boro Park. With God’s help,
the overwhelming majority [of the congregants] is God-fearing and concerned
(charedim) about God’s word, pursuers of peace and chesed, lovers of the truth,
[people who] abhor strife, and who distance themselves from all argument and
conflict . . . May they see [the rise of a new] generation of blessed righteous
[children], blessed by God in the paths of the Torah and fear of God, in the way
of our holy ancestors and rabbis – the great and righteous of Hungary, may their
merit protect us. In keeping with the witty remark of the Chatam Sofer, “[the] new is
prohibited by the Torah,” the way of the renewers in the spirit of the times and the
progressives is biblically prohibited to us and our descendants for all time.
Thank God that we do not need to learn Torah and God’s ways from great Torah
scholars that originate in other countries [and especially after coming to know that
a chasm divides us in our respective philosophies . . .]. Thank God we need not be
ashamed by our great sages – born and bred in Hungary – mightily fighting God’s
battles, that have taught us to understand and to distinguish between that which is
pure for us and that which is impure for us, to be apart and separate from those that
have seized onto the new, pursuing the spirit of the times that is so appealing to the
small-minded and the dimwitted, who wish to escape the yoke of the exile with their
ideas and plans, and to our deep distress have found crushed and broken reeds,
rabbis and parents, upon whom to lean on. . . .
Fortunate is the one that sticks to his heritage and does not shame the way of
our ancestors by going and picking roses full of thorns and thistles in the fields of
others, to drink the wine of Torah from vineyards that do not keep with the spirit of
our ancestors, that gave their lives for every law in the Shulchan Arukh and who
did not seek compromises . . . As our great teacher, the Chatam Sofer taught us,
reversing the letters of minhag yields gehinnom.
Rabbi Eliezer Shach, “The True Zionists”: The Polemic
on Zionism
(1899–2001) Leading Lithuanian-born and educated Charedi rabbi and Talmud scholar who founded the Degel HaTorah political party in the Israeli Knesset.
If we want to know who really built up the Land of Israel, who really fulfilled the
mitzvah of settling the land, it is the charedi Jews, the Jews of the chalukah. The
elderly Jews of Jerusalem that wear their striped kaftans are the ones who offered
continuity through the years for the connection between the Jews and the Land of
Israel.
on Zionism
(1899–2001) Leading Lithuanian-born and educated Charedi rabbi and Talmud scholar who founded the Degel HaTorah political party in the Israeli Knesset.
If we want to know who really built up the Land of Israel, who really fulfilled the
mitzvah of settling the land, it is the charedi Jews, the Jews of the chalukah. The
elderly Jews of Jerusalem that wear their striped kaftans are the ones who offered
continuity through the years for the connection between the Jews and the Land of
Israel.
Rabbi Eliezer Shach, We Have Nothing Else but This
Torah (1899–2001) Leading Lithuanian-born and educated Charedi rabbi and Talmud scholar who founded the Degel HaTorah political party in the Israeli Knesset.
Please, let no one think themselves an idler who has no power to affect anything.
Rather, let them see themselves as sustaining and keeping up the existence of the
Jewish people. Our history teaches that any land void of the study of Torah was
left without Jews. [Torah study] is the backbone of the Jews. When there are those
who study the Torah, there is hope that Jews will remain in the world, and that the
nation will continue to exist. For this, there is no substitute – no state, no ministers,
or anything.
Torah (1899–2001) Leading Lithuanian-born and educated Charedi rabbi and Talmud scholar who founded the Degel HaTorah political party in the Israeli Knesset.
Please, let no one think themselves an idler who has no power to affect anything.
Rather, let them see themselves as sustaining and keeping up the existence of the
Jewish people. Our history teaches that any land void of the study of Torah was
left without Jews. [Torah study] is the backbone of the Jews. When there are those
who study the Torah, there is hope that Jews will remain in the world, and that the
nation will continue to exist. For this, there is no substitute – no state, no ministers,
or anything.
David Ben-Gurion, Letter to Yigael Yadin
(1886–1973) The first Prime Minister of Israel who played an instrumental role in the founding of the State of Israel and the declaration of its independence.
Based on article 12 of the Law of Defensive Service, I exempted (male) yeshivah
students from the obligation of regular military service. This exemption applies only
to yeshivah students who are actively engaged in Torah study in the yeshivot, and
while they are engaged in Torah study.
(1886–1973) The first Prime Minister of Israel who played an instrumental role in the founding of the State of Israel and the declaration of its independence.
Based on article 12 of the Law of Defensive Service, I exempted (male) yeshivah
students from the obligation of regular military service. This exemption applies only
to yeshivah students who are actively engaged in Torah study in the yeshivot, and
while they are engaged in Torah study.
Saul Singer in conversation with Amanda Borschel-Dan, "What Matters Now," Times of Israel Podcast, December 1, 2023
Now, in terms again, about the fertility, most people outside Israel would say, yeah, that’s the ultra-Orthodox, the haredim. I, of course, am living proof that is not true. But there is no doubt that the ultra-Orthodox sector is growing at a more rapid rate than secular Israel. And there are economists, of course, like [Tel Aviv University Prof.] Dan Ben David, who point to this as one of the major, major things to watch out for in Israeli society. So what we’ve been talking about until now is mostly normative, shall we say, secular Israel or national-religious Israel. How do you see everything we’ve been talking about in the ultra-Orthodox society as well?
If you had to put your finger on one thing in terms that worries us a bit about the solidarity and unity of the country is the issue of the ultra-Orthodox, because we have all these different groups that are kind of in a balance of some kind. The Arabs and the secular and the religious and the ultra-Orthodox, very ethnic differences, all these things. But if one group is growing in population substantially, that could kind of upset the balance, especially if there’s tension. There is a lot of tension right now. In a way, that tension, I think, was underlying the judicial protests, the kind of fear of secular and even religious, normal religious society, that we’re going to get overwhelmed by the political power of the ultra-Orthodox.
Now, in the book we show that the demographic figures people use are probably exaggerated because the ultra-Orthodox losing — they have a high birth rate — but they’re also losing people. That’s one thing.
But more important than the numbers is do we continue to be us and them? Are they a “them” to “us” and are we a “them” to “them?” And I think the way to think about it is so long as that’s true, we have a problem. They can’t be alien to us and vice versa. So that’s the challenge because if they’re not a “them,” then it doesn’t matter how many there are — they’re part of Israel. Some people say that the haredim could be the biggest aliyah to Israel in a way. They are becoming more Israeli and we saw thousands of them trying to get into military service just now. So there are positive signs, but there’s a lot of work to do in it and it’s nothing guaranteed.
That’s interesting, what you’re saying. I would have to say, just from living here since 1999, that the “us and them” of, shall we say, national-religious and secular Israel has been for the most part erased, maybe not entirely. But the “us and them” of the ultra-Orthodox is maybe even potentially growing stronger? I don’t know. If you look at Jerusalem where you live, every time a large wave of ultra-Orthodox move into a neighborhood, the neighborhood’s dynamic shifts drastically. Do you see that changing here?
That’s part of the tension. But to me the biggest part is this sense that the haredim aren’t pulling their weight and the opposite, that the non-haredim are supporting them, they’re not working, they’re not serving in the army. There is tremendous resentment against this. In a way, secular society during these protests has said we’re not going to take this anymore. The war even more so, I think gives that feeling.
But I also think the opposite feeling has also grown. The haredim are becoming more Israeli, they’re more on smartphones, they’re speaking Hebrew and learning more. Their economic situation has been improving somewhat, which creates enormous pressure to work and they know that the current situation is not sustainable. So the question is, do we come to some kind of compromise that brings them more into society where people feel that they are contributing what they need to contribute, whether it’s in the army or not? That would change things a lot.
Now, in terms again, about the fertility, most people outside Israel would say, yeah, that’s the ultra-Orthodox, the haredim. I, of course, am living proof that is not true. But there is no doubt that the ultra-Orthodox sector is growing at a more rapid rate than secular Israel. And there are economists, of course, like [Tel Aviv University Prof.] Dan Ben David, who point to this as one of the major, major things to watch out for in Israeli society. So what we’ve been talking about until now is mostly normative, shall we say, secular Israel or national-religious Israel. How do you see everything we’ve been talking about in the ultra-Orthodox society as well?
If you had to put your finger on one thing in terms that worries us a bit about the solidarity and unity of the country is the issue of the ultra-Orthodox, because we have all these different groups that are kind of in a balance of some kind. The Arabs and the secular and the religious and the ultra-Orthodox, very ethnic differences, all these things. But if one group is growing in population substantially, that could kind of upset the balance, especially if there’s tension. There is a lot of tension right now. In a way, that tension, I think, was underlying the judicial protests, the kind of fear of secular and even religious, normal religious society, that we’re going to get overwhelmed by the political power of the ultra-Orthodox.
Now, in the book we show that the demographic figures people use are probably exaggerated because the ultra-Orthodox losing — they have a high birth rate — but they’re also losing people. That’s one thing.
But more important than the numbers is do we continue to be us and them? Are they a “them” to “us” and are we a “them” to “them?” And I think the way to think about it is so long as that’s true, we have a problem. They can’t be alien to us and vice versa. So that’s the challenge because if they’re not a “them,” then it doesn’t matter how many there are — they’re part of Israel. Some people say that the haredim could be the biggest aliyah to Israel in a way. They are becoming more Israeli and we saw thousands of them trying to get into military service just now. So there are positive signs, but there’s a lot of work to do in it and it’s nothing guaranteed.
That’s interesting, what you’re saying. I would have to say, just from living here since 1999, that the “us and them” of, shall we say, national-religious and secular Israel has been for the most part erased, maybe not entirely. But the “us and them” of the ultra-Orthodox is maybe even potentially growing stronger? I don’t know. If you look at Jerusalem where you live, every time a large wave of ultra-Orthodox move into a neighborhood, the neighborhood’s dynamic shifts drastically. Do you see that changing here?
That’s part of the tension. But to me the biggest part is this sense that the haredim aren’t pulling their weight and the opposite, that the non-haredim are supporting them, they’re not working, they’re not serving in the army. There is tremendous resentment against this. In a way, secular society during these protests has said we’re not going to take this anymore. The war even more so, I think gives that feeling.
But I also think the opposite feeling has also grown. The haredim are becoming more Israeli, they’re more on smartphones, they’re speaking Hebrew and learning more. Their economic situation has been improving somewhat, which creates enormous pressure to work and they know that the current situation is not sustainable. So the question is, do we come to some kind of compromise that brings them more into society where people feel that they are contributing what they need to contribute, whether it’s in the army or not? That would change things a lot.